MEDIA AND POWER IN THE COMMUNITY
(Study of Media in Perspective Review "hegemony" Gramsci)
In fact quite a lot of reasons to explain how the mass media has a strong relationship with the ways how power is executed. Regimes that ruled the world, both liberal and communist, always interpret the mass media as one of the important things in the construction of their authority. It's hard to interpret the mass media, without identifying a series of characteristics that are often used to obtain and retain power.
Moving mass media in society characterized by a distribution of power given to individuals, groups, and social classes are not evenly distributed. Mass media in some way related to political and economic structures that exist. This side can be traced potential associated with the power of media, while the media is considered to have economic consequences diperebutkannya place and access control. In the most common form known, the media is often regarded as a powerful tool of power due to its ability to influence others, both the perception and behavior.
Problem Analysis
How media relations, community, and power in the perspective of 'hegemony' Gramsci?
Research Objectives
The purpose of this study is to identify and obtain a description of how the mass media relations and power in society, by using the perspective of 'hegemony' Gramsci
The concept of 'hegemony' Gramsci
Classical Marxist theory began his thesis with a strong assumption that the economic position is very important in the social differences. Marx and Engels wrote their treatise on capitalist exploitation of the working class, at the time of economic inequality is still underlie and reproduce social inequality in industrial societies. However, technological developments in the 20th century resulted in the way of social domination is much more complicated than ever before. Adult social class differences are not solely or directly by economic factors. Now the ideological influence was decisive in the operation of social power.
Antonio Gramsci expanded Marx's materialist theory to the field of ideology. Gramsci emphasizes the role of 'building up' (superstructure) of the society, the institutions that produce ideology, the struggle over meaning and power. Attention directed to the structure of authority and dependence on symbolic environments that match, but not the same, with class-based structure which is determined by the economic and production processes.
Marx's interpretation of the media claimed that the media is a tool of capitalist ruling power control. Ideology of Marx in Germany, stated:
"A master class material production facilities are also retained control over the mental production. Therefore, generally speaking, that the insights of people who do not have the means of mental production are influenced, too ... ... so far they ruled as a class and determine the age and color Babakan. It was clear they regulate the production and distribution of ideas of his time. Thus, their ideas were the brainchild of the ruler of his time "
There is a direct relationship between the possession of economic power to spread messages that affirm the legitimacy and the values of a class in society
In this domain Gramsci (1971) in a language that is not much different from bringing forth the concept of 'hegemony' which dibedakannya with domination. The concept of domination is usually interpreted as the imposition framework views directly to the weaker classes by using the power and necessity of openly. While 'hegemony' attempts to foster compliance with the political and ideological leadership. Hegemony is not a relationship of dominance by using the power, but the relationship agreement. Hegemony is a consensus organization.
Hegemony is the power held by particular social groups to social groups other. Hegemony is the dominance and subordination in the field of relationships that are structured by power. But the hegemony of no more than social power itself; hegemony is a method to obtain and retain power in other words hegemony emphasize ideology itself, a form of expression, ways of implementation, and dijalankannya mechanisms to maintain and develop themselves through obedience to his victims (mainly class workers), so this successful effort to influence and shape their minds. All that does not mean the ideology imposed by the ruling class, but it is a cultural influence consciously propagated, and can penetrate, and plays a role in interpreting the experience of the real world. This process happens in secret, but occurs continuously
Here, ideology is understood as a set of preferences that is shared by the political community. Hence the ideology that 'socialy shared', he must have formed through social processes. He must be clearly defined by the intellectual elite and then distributed to members of other political communities. With the ideology that people give meaning to social reality
But hegemony does not become mature if only through a purely ideological articulation. The dominant ideology currents must then be reproduced again in the activities of social groups of our most basic, the family, workplace, friendship, in everyday life. Hegemony thus connecting with the culture of ideological representation. Requires a statement of ideological hegemony becomes a real cultural assumption by itself and unconscious. Therefore, Willliams said, everything seemed to be accepted as reasonable and common sense. Hegemony implies an agreement that 'sincerity' of the people, who will be governed by the principles, rules, and laws which they believed to operate in their interest, although in fact not. Public approval can be an effective means of control rather than coercion and force. Therefore, Barbero said that one class running for class hegemony that has dominated the interests of the lower classes are recognized in a certain level as well as their interests
The idea of the Media and Power
Because the media moves in a society marked by the distribution of power given to individuals, groups, and social class are not evenly distributed, and because in some ways the media related to political and economic structures that exist, then there are some problems that need to be mentioned regarding the existence of a relationship are: First: the media has consequences and economic value, as well as objects of competition for control and access. Media can not be separated from the rules of political, economic, and legal. Second: The mass media are often viewed as an effective instrument of power for its ability to do one or more of the following things, namely: attract and direct attention, to persuade opinion, affect the choice of attitude, given the status and legitimacy, define and shape perceptions of reality and others. All of these in turn gave birth to several questions: Who controls the media and for the benefit of whom?; Who has access to the media and by what reasons?; View of (social reality) who presented the media?; The extent to which the effectiveness of the media in an effort to achieve goals she wants?; What factors that limit or increase the power of the media in some of the things mentioned above.
There are some views that suggests how the mass media relations, community, and power. How many of them, for example, thesis Society Mass (Mass Society) and the views of the functionalists.
Mass Society thesis about the power mainly based on the community character of 'mass'. Characteristics of mass society that could be identified include: the members is widespread and not know each other, lacking self-awareness and self identity, unable to move simultaneously and self-organized, community composition often changed with boundaries that are always changing too, often tindakanya have controlled the other hand, its members many, heterogeneous, and the spread of all social strata and geographic groups. These characteristics are often used to refer to an industrial society or the community of
This theory has the power of the media at large in the community. Medium strength was mainly due to extensive media coverage, the remoteness of the institution, individual isolation, lack of integration of the group.
This fact shows that the media can be controlled or managed in a monopoly to be the main tool for organizing effective mass (the audience, consumers, markets, and the voters). The mass media is usually a funnel authorities, giving opinions, and instructions, as well as psychic satisfaction.
Media creates dependence on the media community in the creation of opinion, even more to create dependency in the creation of identity and consciousness. W. Mills even say that the potential created by the media directed to control 'non-democratic' that comes from above.
Another approach is the views of the functional. This approach is not familiar in analyzing power, particularly because of its emphasis on the continuity of the system with the harmony and balance between the elements
However, noteworthy this approach also emphasizes the need for guidance, control, and internal cohesion for the survival of a system. With the effectiveness of the media's needs can be seen from its function in education and social control is different in each system to apply these functions (the authoritarian state: the media actually used as instructions, warnings, and direct control of the state over society, while the liberal state associated with the competitive situation strict both individuals and groups in need of control for regulation.
According to Mc Quail, Media Dependency theory of De Fleur & Ball Rokeach, can say 'scented' functionalist. This theory says about the relative dependence of the media audience as a source of information (compared with other information sources). In other words, the higher the dependence of society on the media for the acquisition of information and the higher the instability of society, the higher the power of the media owned by his role.
METHOD
The method used in this paper is the research library (library reserach). Implementation procedures are (1) conduct an inventory of literature relating to mass media, power, and society (2) identify the aspects of power in the mass media (3) describe the dimensions of power in the mass media in Gramsci's perspective, especially in this case related to political language and gender representation in the media and (4) make a conclusion.
DISCUSSION
Mass media, said De Fleur, its existence is part of the social structure. In this case the mass media is a component of maintaining stability and harmony. With such status, the function of the mass media as part of the social mechanism aims to maintain the balance (equilbrium) between the various components of society.
As part of a system, the media really is a tool that allows other institutions running. Social institutions, in this case, can basically be classified in three (3) major entities: the political, economic, cultural, political institutions take the functions in the decision-making process characterized by participation in political power. Economic institutions takes functionality to improve the material welfare, while the socio-cultural institutions working to improve people's lives more meaningful (immaterial), while the mass media to help provide space that allow the political institutions, economic, and cultural work. For the mass media, as they relate to information as the pivot of its activities, can perform the function of political, economic, social or cultural
However, embracing the view that the role of mass media such functional is not sufficient to understand the reality of mass media with strong features and ideological political tool. Kentalnya ideological dimension in the media discourse, of course, does not appear in the historical face, but symbolic. This symbolic faces appeared one of them in the 'politics of language' which would refer to the understanding of language use in social processes. Language in this case is the medium used by the hegemonic dominant group against the other community.
If we use the perspective of constructivism as the framework conctruction social theory of reality - his Berger (1990), the politics of language will refer to the understanding of language use in social processes aimed at defining and / or constructing a reality. More specifically, the perspective of constructivism is implicitly also summon the political notion of language as the use of language to construct and legitimize a particular reality of power relations.
Within the framework of this Gramscian hegemony actually get the role. Hegemony operates through constructive discourse spread socially. Together with the media, the ideological hegemony created by language in the language practices of the media every day. In the formulation and dissemination of ideology, the role of language is crucial. Therefore no exaggeration to say that ideology shaped and formed the language. With the ideology of people give meaning to social reality. To facilitate the storage, preservation, processing and storage of the meaning of the language required.
Legitimacy (Legitimacy) acquired or maintained through a process of legitimation (Legitimation), which specifically can be seen as a process for displaying a reality of the relationship or the distribution of specific power as a sense of reality which is naturally so. In other words, language is seen as a tool that can be utilized in the process of defining, constructing, and legitimize the reality of power relations, and, among other things done through the use of symbols or language structure capable of presenting the reality of a particular power relationship as a natural reality, reasonable, legal, and so on. Utilization of language for the purposes of constructing and legitimizing a social reality among others can be observed in the media discourse (media discourse)
Reality of the relationship between the ruler or a particular dominant elite and the society is a product of social construction, rather than something that can perpetuate or produce his own existence (self Sustaining realities). Therefore, every regime in power to realize the need for a mechanism that allows the reality of his existence and all that menunjangnya power structures can be displayed continuously as a reality that is legitimate, objective, natural, and naturally so, or the inevitable. Mechanisms include a policy involving the media and the politics of language that would allow for a certain media discourse dominates the processes of constructing the social reality that goes
Indeed the social processes within the framework of constructing a particular reality took place in a social arena. The mass media is one of the social arena of social groups - each with a political language that they developed themselves - to show the definition of the situation, or their version of reality definition of the most valid. That among other things done through the politics of language developed by each social group involved.
In connection with the distribution of ideology in mass media, that Gramsci's perspective, the dominant forces that determine the production and distribution process of meaning embodied in the face of the hegemonic. Ideology is seen as organic - complete ideology as arbitrary system: filisofis intellectual idea - the historical material which has existence. The most important character of the material existence is that ideology has agents in building the intellectual who specializes in explaining the moral and intellectual. The most important arena in the description of social practices in which people and institutions in traffic Sharring ideas. Including the media, all the existing institutions in society, play a role in explaining, defending and spreading the ideology
But it should be understood is that often occurs inequality of access to the social arena by elements of society. First, regarding the technical limitations of the media owned (both of space and time) or the commercial and professional considerations (such as newsworthiness consideration of an issue or event) causes a variety of social groups do not gain access to the media to raise the issue and definition versions of their situation. Second, the inequality of distribution of power between the ruling regime and the press In addition, the reality of the capitalistic media encourage the media to always define reality in terms of the dominant culture because the media is very concerned with the continuity and stability. In other words due to technical and professional limitations and the unequal distribution of power, coupled with the dominant culture that surrounded him to make the mass media into the sub-ordinate power of the state and dominant groups. Mass media became an important party role - as one of the intellectual structure of ideological - in explaining, defending and spreading the regime's version of the definition of reality and certain dominant classes.
Therefore the mass media relations, the dominant group, and society implies a hegemonic relationship. 'Hegemony' attempts to foster compliance with the political and ideological leadership. Hegemony is not a relationship of dominance by using the power, but the relationship agreement. Hegemony is a consensus organization. Thus interpreted the mass media (1) as a medium where the discourse of political leadership and the ideological spread (2) as the arena where the diversity of discourse practices carried out, with the ultimate aim is to build consensus with the weaker party in a submissive position. The results of this consensus is a weak class to interpret previous experiences have been introduced by the ruling party
In the language of the uniform, Louis Althusser view the media as a State Ideology Apparatus (Ideological State Apparatuses), which is not much different from the repressive state apparatus (Apparatusses-Represive State Army, Police, etc.). Both are equally oppressive. State Ideology apparatus enables the capitalist nations to maintain their existence without any direct violence
Hegemony is not a stimulating thought or action that directly, but is an arrangement of all the competing definitions of reality into the reach of the dominant class, by bringing all the alternative ideas into their thinking horizons. Dominant class set limits both mentally and structurally lower class in which to live and understand the reality of their subordination that supports the dominance of those who rule over them.
Political Communication and Discourse Practices in Indonesia
In the context of political communication at least we can refer to the two phases of modern political history of Indonesia, which form a 'dictionary' itself to trap the public as a political community in defining the political reality. Jalaluddin Rakhmat found that the change of the elite of the Old Order to New Order turnover has occurred also in the political discourse. There are two things that can be identified, namely, change of vocabulary lists and shifting meaning of words. There is a large list of words in the Old Order's political discourse is not heard again in the New Order's political discourse, nor vice versa. "Revolution", "counter-revolutionary", "Necolim", "accomplices of imperialist capitalist", "Nasakom", "Political-Manifesto", "brainwashing", is an example of the word 'dictionary' of the Old Order. Instead "Development", "Anti-Development", "Movement Pengacau Security", "take off", "national stability", "upgrading", is a partial list of the New Order's vocabulary.
In addition to the list of vocabulary change, there has been a shift in the meaning of words, too. The word "subversion" for example, during the Old Order means infiltration attempt made by Necolim agents to destroy the revolution. Intellectual movements such as the group Manikebu (Cultural Manifesto) is seen as subversion. While the New Order era the word "subversion" refers to the anti-development activities carried out by the extreme right or extreme left, or the people who do "criticism is not responsible". In other words, "politics" such as shifts in the meaning of a very prominent. In the Old Order era politics has a positive connotation, associated with activities that have access to the power structure. People are not afraid to talk politics. During the New Order political activities meant as any activity that is inconsistent with the ruling elite. Hence the political talk is considered to criticize the government, and that destabilizing national development.
All the vocabulary and the meaning of the dictionary which is in turn formed into 'food' day-to-day of mass media in defining and explaining the objective reality of the everyday. It is not strange if the community as a political community itself also as a dictionary meaning provided for them.
Hegemony and Gender Politics
Hegemonic discourse is also reaching gender politics. Gender refers to the political ideology berperannya gender power relations in creating one of the other, in this case men and women. To explain this, in the most concrete form of how hegemony systematically applied in the symbolic life of the media, both languages in the media discourse as well as visual images, is the hegemony of patriarchal ideology on women's representation can be seen in the media. Seksime ideology, such as if it had become the dominant consciousness of how the media defines the historical and symbolic reality of women.
Many examples illustrate sexism (discrimination based on sex) in media coverage. Junneta Davis found evidence that the ratio of women and men as the main object of the news (main character) in the newspaper, a newspaper in the U.S. is 1: 6. Another study of coverage in 16 major U.S. daily also showed that men performed three times, more than women. The proportion of coverage of women and men in the media's unbalanced also happened in Indonesia. In the study Gati Gayatri, a figure which is used as a source of news development in the two major newspapers in the capital city is mostly male (92.17%), and the rest (7.83%) were women
Besides subordinate (secondary) quantitatively, women must also bear the image model (image) that was so stereotypical. Female characters are usually young (and beautiful), was married, and the public sector does not work, so that role she led the "traditional female occupations" - jobs that are traditionally considered "typical" woman. A sexist view this attachment also occurs in the image of women and men on television. The figure of the woman described as less mature (less mature), which is considered less competent (less autoritative) in dealing with various issues
Image matches what dikemukan Park Yong Sang that women characterized as an emotional, not logical, dependent, passive, weak, and afraid. While men are the opposite of these traits. The position and role of women is considered very small (unimportant), weak, and does not mean in public affairs. Other media image according to the is that women are often shown as sex objects (sexual object), because the beauty and appearance, or more distant as the victims of sexual crimes. As a result, by limiting the image of women within the framework of the above, the media has indirectly led to women (only) take care of the household, or as a weak creature that his main job is to please men
Gati Gayatri strengthen the argument in his study of women and development. He found evidence of segregation (isolation) on the image of women who tend to stereotype, even in exclusive women's media.
The same picture occurs in the film. Krishna Sen is researching the subject of gender representation in films of Indonesia, found that the majority of the film genre in Indonesia with regard to men, and what the film is defined as a man's world is a world of action. Female characters in the show is merely an additional role and actions so that the image of the function of women small and insignificant in the narrative. If there was an attempt to show the role of women in a more independent figure, the effort does not always show it in full independence. The scope of domestic and romantic problems seems to be something inherent and can not be released in the problems of women
Media by building such discourse - has acted as an agent of social control that traps the audience into the ideology, norms, and their fantasies. Instrument created by the media to give the audience base interact. Julia Suryakusuma in his writings show, Women in Myth, Reality and Emancipation, showed how male superiority and the perspective of women has become a sort of myth that has been deeply rooted for hereditary socialized:
Sometimes the "world" women are contrasted with the "world" guy. But actually the woman never had a world of its own and closed. They are part of society male dominated where women occupy a lower position. Women themselves directly or not, admit that the world is basically men belonged to - he created, given a masculine trait, controlled, and until now dominated the men .... but to see the situation itself was not his job, because he was so usually accept the authority of men ... .. women have been too used to give confidence in him. The world and life through the eyes and dinterpretasikan perception man, standing behind her husband - for the progress of the nation!
When a woman is defined from the world view and the standard of the man appeared various descriptions of women laden with myth. The myth that was built in a patriarchal and sexist society would be reflected in media content. "Stand behind your man, for the progress of people and country", is a value that reflects both women as creatures. The myth was grafted by the media, be the universe of discourse and implanted into the collective consciousness as the unconscious imagination of the audience. For men, whether consciously or not, women are treated as subordinate addition, also define themselves as subordinate in accordance with the eyes of men.
CONCLUSION
Thus it can be concluded that for Gramsci the mass media relations, the dominant group, and society implies a hegemonic relationship. 'Hegemony' attempts to foster compliance with the political and ideological leadership. Hegemony is not a relationship of dominance by using the power, but the relationship agreement and consensus. Thus the media can be interpreted: First: as a medium where the discourse of political leadership and the ideological spread, and; Second: as an arena where the diversity of discourse practices carried out, with the ultimate aim is to build consensus with the weak. The results of this consensus is a weak class to interpret previous experiences have been introduced by the ruling party or the dominant group.
Because it can be understood if the community as a political community depends on what and how the political reality is defined by the dominant political elite. Neither the gender discourse. Women interpret historical reality of patriarchal ideology as defined above.
REFERENCES
Ardt, Hanno, "Introduction to Social Theories of the Press", in C. Cleveland & Harold de Bock, Mass Communication Review Year Book Vol.2. Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, 1981
Aripurnami, Sita, "The figure of Women in Film Indonesia: A few Issues", Prisma 5 Year XIX, 1990
Craib, Ian, Social Theories of the Modern: From Parsons To Habermas, Rajawali Press, Jakarta, 1994
Davis, Junneta, "Sexist Bias in Eight Newspapers", Jurnalism Quarterly Vol.59 (3), 1982
De Fleur, Melvin, and Sandra Ball-Rokeach, Theories of Mass Communication, (Fourth Edition), Longman Inc., New York, 1982
Gayatri, Gati, "Writing and Preaching About the Position and Role of Women in Development in Female Magazine", Journal of Research and Development Communication No.32, Deppen of Information Research and Development Agency of Indonesia, Jakarta, 1992
Gilly, Mary C, "Sex Roles in Advertising: A Comparison of Television Advertisements in Australia, Mexico, and the United States", Journal of Marketting, Vol.52 (April), 1988
Hidayat, Dedy N, "Political Media, Politics of Language in Process Delegitimasi Legitimacy and the New Order Regime", in, Sandra Kartika and M. Mahendra (Eds), From Uniformity Towards Diversity: Multicultural Discourse in Media, LSSP, Jakarta, 1999
Rachmat, Jalaluddin, "From Psychology androcentric to Feminist Psychology: Dismantling the Myths of Women", the Koran Ulumul No.5 & 6, Vol. 5, 1994
Rachmat, Jalaluddin, "Communication and Political Change in Indonesia", Audientia. Vol.I, No. 2 April-June 1993
Renzetti, Claire M, and Daniel J. Curran, Women, Men, and Society: The Sociology of Gender, Allyn & Bacon, Boston, 1988
Sang, Park Yong, “Women in the Mass Media”, Media Development, 1987
Sen, Krishna, “Menafsirkan Feminisme dalam Sinema Orde Baru: Represi dan Resistensi”, dalam Idi Subandi Ibrahim (Ed), Ekstasi Gaya Hidup: Kebudayaan Pop dalam Masyarakat Komoditas Indonesia, Mizan, Jakarta, 1997
Simon, Roger, Gagasan-Gagasan Politik Gramsci, Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta, 1999
Suryakusuma, Julia I, “Perempuan dalam Mitos, Realitas dan Emansipasi”, Prisma No.7-Juli Tahun X, 1981
Description:
Artikel ini pernah dipublikasikan dalam Sosiologi Vol. 3, No. 2, September 2001
(Study of Media in Perspective Review "hegemony" Gramsci)
In fact quite a lot of reasons to explain how the mass media has a strong relationship with the ways how power is executed. Regimes that ruled the world, both liberal and communist, always interpret the mass media as one of the important things in the construction of their authority. It's hard to interpret the mass media, without identifying a series of characteristics that are often used to obtain and retain power.
Moving mass media in society characterized by a distribution of power given to individuals, groups, and social classes are not evenly distributed. Mass media in some way related to political and economic structures that exist. This side can be traced potential associated with the power of media, while the media is considered to have economic consequences diperebutkannya place and access control. In the most common form known, the media is often regarded as a powerful tool of power due to its ability to influence others, both the perception and behavior.
Problem Analysis
How media relations, community, and power in the perspective of 'hegemony' Gramsci?
Research Objectives
The purpose of this study is to identify and obtain a description of how the mass media relations and power in society, by using the perspective of 'hegemony' Gramsci
The concept of 'hegemony' Gramsci
Classical Marxist theory began his thesis with a strong assumption that the economic position is very important in the social differences. Marx and Engels wrote their treatise on capitalist exploitation of the working class, at the time of economic inequality is still underlie and reproduce social inequality in industrial societies. However, technological developments in the 20th century resulted in the way of social domination is much more complicated than ever before. Adult social class differences are not solely or directly by economic factors. Now the ideological influence was decisive in the operation of social power.
Antonio Gramsci expanded Marx's materialist theory to the field of ideology. Gramsci emphasizes the role of 'building up' (superstructure) of the society, the institutions that produce ideology, the struggle over meaning and power. Attention directed to the structure of authority and dependence on symbolic environments that match, but not the same, with class-based structure which is determined by the economic and production processes.
Marx's interpretation of the media claimed that the media is a tool of capitalist ruling power control. Ideology of Marx in Germany, stated:
"A master class material production facilities are also retained control over the mental production. Therefore, generally speaking, that the insights of people who do not have the means of mental production are influenced, too ... ... so far they ruled as a class and determine the age and color Babakan. It was clear they regulate the production and distribution of ideas of his time. Thus, their ideas were the brainchild of the ruler of his time "
There is a direct relationship between the possession of economic power to spread messages that affirm the legitimacy and the values of a class in society
In this domain Gramsci (1971) in a language that is not much different from bringing forth the concept of 'hegemony' which dibedakannya with domination. The concept of domination is usually interpreted as the imposition framework views directly to the weaker classes by using the power and necessity of openly. While 'hegemony' attempts to foster compliance with the political and ideological leadership. Hegemony is not a relationship of dominance by using the power, but the relationship agreement. Hegemony is a consensus organization.
Hegemony is the power held by particular social groups to social groups other. Hegemony is the dominance and subordination in the field of relationships that are structured by power. But the hegemony of no more than social power itself; hegemony is a method to obtain and retain power in other words hegemony emphasize ideology itself, a form of expression, ways of implementation, and dijalankannya mechanisms to maintain and develop themselves through obedience to his victims (mainly class workers), so this successful effort to influence and shape their minds. All that does not mean the ideology imposed by the ruling class, but it is a cultural influence consciously propagated, and can penetrate, and plays a role in interpreting the experience of the real world. This process happens in secret, but occurs continuously
Here, ideology is understood as a set of preferences that is shared by the political community. Hence the ideology that 'socialy shared', he must have formed through social processes. He must be clearly defined by the intellectual elite and then distributed to members of other political communities. With the ideology that people give meaning to social reality
But hegemony does not become mature if only through a purely ideological articulation. The dominant ideology currents must then be reproduced again in the activities of social groups of our most basic, the family, workplace, friendship, in everyday life. Hegemony thus connecting with the culture of ideological representation. Requires a statement of ideological hegemony becomes a real cultural assumption by itself and unconscious. Therefore, Willliams said, everything seemed to be accepted as reasonable and common sense. Hegemony implies an agreement that 'sincerity' of the people, who will be governed by the principles, rules, and laws which they believed to operate in their interest, although in fact not. Public approval can be an effective means of control rather than coercion and force. Therefore, Barbero said that one class running for class hegemony that has dominated the interests of the lower classes are recognized in a certain level as well as their interests
The idea of the Media and Power
Because the media moves in a society marked by the distribution of power given to individuals, groups, and social class are not evenly distributed, and because in some ways the media related to political and economic structures that exist, then there are some problems that need to be mentioned regarding the existence of a relationship are: First: the media has consequences and economic value, as well as objects of competition for control and access. Media can not be separated from the rules of political, economic, and legal. Second: The mass media are often viewed as an effective instrument of power for its ability to do one or more of the following things, namely: attract and direct attention, to persuade opinion, affect the choice of attitude, given the status and legitimacy, define and shape perceptions of reality and others. All of these in turn gave birth to several questions: Who controls the media and for the benefit of whom?; Who has access to the media and by what reasons?; View of (social reality) who presented the media?; The extent to which the effectiveness of the media in an effort to achieve goals she wants?; What factors that limit or increase the power of the media in some of the things mentioned above.
There are some views that suggests how the mass media relations, community, and power. How many of them, for example, thesis Society Mass (Mass Society) and the views of the functionalists.
Mass Society thesis about the power mainly based on the community character of 'mass'. Characteristics of mass society that could be identified include: the members is widespread and not know each other, lacking self-awareness and self identity, unable to move simultaneously and self-organized, community composition often changed with boundaries that are always changing too, often tindakanya have controlled the other hand, its members many, heterogeneous, and the spread of all social strata and geographic groups. These characteristics are often used to refer to an industrial society or the community of
This theory has the power of the media at large in the community. Medium strength was mainly due to extensive media coverage, the remoteness of the institution, individual isolation, lack of integration of the group.
This fact shows that the media can be controlled or managed in a monopoly to be the main tool for organizing effective mass (the audience, consumers, markets, and the voters). The mass media is usually a funnel authorities, giving opinions, and instructions, as well as psychic satisfaction.
Media creates dependence on the media community in the creation of opinion, even more to create dependency in the creation of identity and consciousness. W. Mills even say that the potential created by the media directed to control 'non-democratic' that comes from above.
Another approach is the views of the functional. This approach is not familiar in analyzing power, particularly because of its emphasis on the continuity of the system with the harmony and balance between the elements
However, noteworthy this approach also emphasizes the need for guidance, control, and internal cohesion for the survival of a system. With the effectiveness of the media's needs can be seen from its function in education and social control is different in each system to apply these functions (the authoritarian state: the media actually used as instructions, warnings, and direct control of the state over society, while the liberal state associated with the competitive situation strict both individuals and groups in need of control for regulation.
According to Mc Quail, Media Dependency theory of De Fleur & Ball Rokeach, can say 'scented' functionalist. This theory says about the relative dependence of the media audience as a source of information (compared with other information sources). In other words, the higher the dependence of society on the media for the acquisition of information and the higher the instability of society, the higher the power of the media owned by his role.
METHOD
The method used in this paper is the research library (library reserach). Implementation procedures are (1) conduct an inventory of literature relating to mass media, power, and society (2) identify the aspects of power in the mass media (3) describe the dimensions of power in the mass media in Gramsci's perspective, especially in this case related to political language and gender representation in the media and (4) make a conclusion.
DISCUSSION
Mass media, said De Fleur, its existence is part of the social structure. In this case the mass media is a component of maintaining stability and harmony. With such status, the function of the mass media as part of the social mechanism aims to maintain the balance (equilbrium) between the various components of society.
As part of a system, the media really is a tool that allows other institutions running. Social institutions, in this case, can basically be classified in three (3) major entities: the political, economic, cultural, political institutions take the functions in the decision-making process characterized by participation in political power. Economic institutions takes functionality to improve the material welfare, while the socio-cultural institutions working to improve people's lives more meaningful (immaterial), while the mass media to help provide space that allow the political institutions, economic, and cultural work. For the mass media, as they relate to information as the pivot of its activities, can perform the function of political, economic, social or cultural
However, embracing the view that the role of mass media such functional is not sufficient to understand the reality of mass media with strong features and ideological political tool. Kentalnya ideological dimension in the media discourse, of course, does not appear in the historical face, but symbolic. This symbolic faces appeared one of them in the 'politics of language' which would refer to the understanding of language use in social processes. Language in this case is the medium used by the hegemonic dominant group against the other community.
If we use the perspective of constructivism as the framework conctruction social theory of reality - his Berger (1990), the politics of language will refer to the understanding of language use in social processes aimed at defining and / or constructing a reality. More specifically, the perspective of constructivism is implicitly also summon the political notion of language as the use of language to construct and legitimize a particular reality of power relations.
Within the framework of this Gramscian hegemony actually get the role. Hegemony operates through constructive discourse spread socially. Together with the media, the ideological hegemony created by language in the language practices of the media every day. In the formulation and dissemination of ideology, the role of language is crucial. Therefore no exaggeration to say that ideology shaped and formed the language. With the ideology of people give meaning to social reality. To facilitate the storage, preservation, processing and storage of the meaning of the language required.
Legitimacy (Legitimacy) acquired or maintained through a process of legitimation (Legitimation), which specifically can be seen as a process for displaying a reality of the relationship or the distribution of specific power as a sense of reality which is naturally so. In other words, language is seen as a tool that can be utilized in the process of defining, constructing, and legitimize the reality of power relations, and, among other things done through the use of symbols or language structure capable of presenting the reality of a particular power relationship as a natural reality, reasonable, legal, and so on. Utilization of language for the purposes of constructing and legitimizing a social reality among others can be observed in the media discourse (media discourse)
Reality of the relationship between the ruler or a particular dominant elite and the society is a product of social construction, rather than something that can perpetuate or produce his own existence (self Sustaining realities). Therefore, every regime in power to realize the need for a mechanism that allows the reality of his existence and all that menunjangnya power structures can be displayed continuously as a reality that is legitimate, objective, natural, and naturally so, or the inevitable. Mechanisms include a policy involving the media and the politics of language that would allow for a certain media discourse dominates the processes of constructing the social reality that goes
Indeed the social processes within the framework of constructing a particular reality took place in a social arena. The mass media is one of the social arena of social groups - each with a political language that they developed themselves - to show the definition of the situation, or their version of reality definition of the most valid. That among other things done through the politics of language developed by each social group involved.
In connection with the distribution of ideology in mass media, that Gramsci's perspective, the dominant forces that determine the production and distribution process of meaning embodied in the face of the hegemonic. Ideology is seen as organic - complete ideology as arbitrary system: filisofis intellectual idea - the historical material which has existence. The most important character of the material existence is that ideology has agents in building the intellectual who specializes in explaining the moral and intellectual. The most important arena in the description of social practices in which people and institutions in traffic Sharring ideas. Including the media, all the existing institutions in society, play a role in explaining, defending and spreading the ideology
But it should be understood is that often occurs inequality of access to the social arena by elements of society. First, regarding the technical limitations of the media owned (both of space and time) or the commercial and professional considerations (such as newsworthiness consideration of an issue or event) causes a variety of social groups do not gain access to the media to raise the issue and definition versions of their situation. Second, the inequality of distribution of power between the ruling regime and the press In addition, the reality of the capitalistic media encourage the media to always define reality in terms of the dominant culture because the media is very concerned with the continuity and stability. In other words due to technical and professional limitations and the unequal distribution of power, coupled with the dominant culture that surrounded him to make the mass media into the sub-ordinate power of the state and dominant groups. Mass media became an important party role - as one of the intellectual structure of ideological - in explaining, defending and spreading the regime's version of the definition of reality and certain dominant classes.
Therefore the mass media relations, the dominant group, and society implies a hegemonic relationship. 'Hegemony' attempts to foster compliance with the political and ideological leadership. Hegemony is not a relationship of dominance by using the power, but the relationship agreement. Hegemony is a consensus organization. Thus interpreted the mass media (1) as a medium where the discourse of political leadership and the ideological spread (2) as the arena where the diversity of discourse practices carried out, with the ultimate aim is to build consensus with the weaker party in a submissive position. The results of this consensus is a weak class to interpret previous experiences have been introduced by the ruling party
In the language of the uniform, Louis Althusser view the media as a State Ideology Apparatus (Ideological State Apparatuses), which is not much different from the repressive state apparatus (Apparatusses-Represive State Army, Police, etc.). Both are equally oppressive. State Ideology apparatus enables the capitalist nations to maintain their existence without any direct violence
Hegemony is not a stimulating thought or action that directly, but is an arrangement of all the competing definitions of reality into the reach of the dominant class, by bringing all the alternative ideas into their thinking horizons. Dominant class set limits both mentally and structurally lower class in which to live and understand the reality of their subordination that supports the dominance of those who rule over them.
Political Communication and Discourse Practices in Indonesia
In the context of political communication at least we can refer to the two phases of modern political history of Indonesia, which form a 'dictionary' itself to trap the public as a political community in defining the political reality. Jalaluddin Rakhmat found that the change of the elite of the Old Order to New Order turnover has occurred also in the political discourse. There are two things that can be identified, namely, change of vocabulary lists and shifting meaning of words. There is a large list of words in the Old Order's political discourse is not heard again in the New Order's political discourse, nor vice versa. "Revolution", "counter-revolutionary", "Necolim", "accomplices of imperialist capitalist", "Nasakom", "Political-Manifesto", "brainwashing", is an example of the word 'dictionary' of the Old Order. Instead "Development", "Anti-Development", "Movement Pengacau Security", "take off", "national stability", "upgrading", is a partial list of the New Order's vocabulary.
In addition to the list of vocabulary change, there has been a shift in the meaning of words, too. The word "subversion" for example, during the Old Order means infiltration attempt made by Necolim agents to destroy the revolution. Intellectual movements such as the group Manikebu (Cultural Manifesto) is seen as subversion. While the New Order era the word "subversion" refers to the anti-development activities carried out by the extreme right or extreme left, or the people who do "criticism is not responsible". In other words, "politics" such as shifts in the meaning of a very prominent. In the Old Order era politics has a positive connotation, associated with activities that have access to the power structure. People are not afraid to talk politics. During the New Order political activities meant as any activity that is inconsistent with the ruling elite. Hence the political talk is considered to criticize the government, and that destabilizing national development.
All the vocabulary and the meaning of the dictionary which is in turn formed into 'food' day-to-day of mass media in defining and explaining the objective reality of the everyday. It is not strange if the community as a political community itself also as a dictionary meaning provided for them.
Hegemony and Gender Politics
Hegemonic discourse is also reaching gender politics. Gender refers to the political ideology berperannya gender power relations in creating one of the other, in this case men and women. To explain this, in the most concrete form of how hegemony systematically applied in the symbolic life of the media, both languages in the media discourse as well as visual images, is the hegemony of patriarchal ideology on women's representation can be seen in the media. Seksime ideology, such as if it had become the dominant consciousness of how the media defines the historical and symbolic reality of women.
Many examples illustrate sexism (discrimination based on sex) in media coverage. Junneta Davis found evidence that the ratio of women and men as the main object of the news (main character) in the newspaper, a newspaper in the U.S. is 1: 6. Another study of coverage in 16 major U.S. daily also showed that men performed three times, more than women. The proportion of coverage of women and men in the media's unbalanced also happened in Indonesia. In the study Gati Gayatri, a figure which is used as a source of news development in the two major newspapers in the capital city is mostly male (92.17%), and the rest (7.83%) were women
Besides subordinate (secondary) quantitatively, women must also bear the image model (image) that was so stereotypical. Female characters are usually young (and beautiful), was married, and the public sector does not work, so that role she led the "traditional female occupations" - jobs that are traditionally considered "typical" woman. A sexist view this attachment also occurs in the image of women and men on television. The figure of the woman described as less mature (less mature), which is considered less competent (less autoritative) in dealing with various issues
Image matches what dikemukan Park Yong Sang that women characterized as an emotional, not logical, dependent, passive, weak, and afraid. While men are the opposite of these traits. The position and role of women is considered very small (unimportant), weak, and does not mean in public affairs. Other media image according to the is that women are often shown as sex objects (sexual object), because the beauty and appearance, or more distant as the victims of sexual crimes. As a result, by limiting the image of women within the framework of the above, the media has indirectly led to women (only) take care of the household, or as a weak creature that his main job is to please men
Gati Gayatri strengthen the argument in his study of women and development. He found evidence of segregation (isolation) on the image of women who tend to stereotype, even in exclusive women's media.
The same picture occurs in the film. Krishna Sen is researching the subject of gender representation in films of Indonesia, found that the majority of the film genre in Indonesia with regard to men, and what the film is defined as a man's world is a world of action. Female characters in the show is merely an additional role and actions so that the image of the function of women small and insignificant in the narrative. If there was an attempt to show the role of women in a more independent figure, the effort does not always show it in full independence. The scope of domestic and romantic problems seems to be something inherent and can not be released in the problems of women
Media by building such discourse - has acted as an agent of social control that traps the audience into the ideology, norms, and their fantasies. Instrument created by the media to give the audience base interact. Julia Suryakusuma in his writings show, Women in Myth, Reality and Emancipation, showed how male superiority and the perspective of women has become a sort of myth that has been deeply rooted for hereditary socialized:
Sometimes the "world" women are contrasted with the "world" guy. But actually the woman never had a world of its own and closed. They are part of society male dominated where women occupy a lower position. Women themselves directly or not, admit that the world is basically men belonged to - he created, given a masculine trait, controlled, and until now dominated the men .... but to see the situation itself was not his job, because he was so usually accept the authority of men ... .. women have been too used to give confidence in him. The world and life through the eyes and dinterpretasikan perception man, standing behind her husband - for the progress of the nation!
When a woman is defined from the world view and the standard of the man appeared various descriptions of women laden with myth. The myth that was built in a patriarchal and sexist society would be reflected in media content. "Stand behind your man, for the progress of people and country", is a value that reflects both women as creatures. The myth was grafted by the media, be the universe of discourse and implanted into the collective consciousness as the unconscious imagination of the audience. For men, whether consciously or not, women are treated as subordinate addition, also define themselves as subordinate in accordance with the eyes of men.
CONCLUSION
Thus it can be concluded that for Gramsci the mass media relations, the dominant group, and society implies a hegemonic relationship. 'Hegemony' attempts to foster compliance with the political and ideological leadership. Hegemony is not a relationship of dominance by using the power, but the relationship agreement and consensus. Thus the media can be interpreted: First: as a medium where the discourse of political leadership and the ideological spread, and; Second: as an arena where the diversity of discourse practices carried out, with the ultimate aim is to build consensus with the weak. The results of this consensus is a weak class to interpret previous experiences have been introduced by the ruling party or the dominant group.
Because it can be understood if the community as a political community depends on what and how the political reality is defined by the dominant political elite. Neither the gender discourse. Women interpret historical reality of patriarchal ideology as defined above.
REFERENCES
Ardt, Hanno, "Introduction to Social Theories of the Press", in C. Cleveland & Harold de Bock, Mass Communication Review Year Book Vol.2. Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, 1981
Aripurnami, Sita, "The figure of Women in Film Indonesia: A few Issues", Prisma 5 Year XIX, 1990
Craib, Ian, Social Theories of the Modern: From Parsons To Habermas, Rajawali Press, Jakarta, 1994
Davis, Junneta, "Sexist Bias in Eight Newspapers", Jurnalism Quarterly Vol.59 (3), 1982
De Fleur, Melvin, and Sandra Ball-Rokeach, Theories of Mass Communication, (Fourth Edition), Longman Inc., New York, 1982
Gayatri, Gati, "Writing and Preaching About the Position and Role of Women in Development in Female Magazine", Journal of Research and Development Communication No.32, Deppen of Information Research and Development Agency of Indonesia, Jakarta, 1992
Gilly, Mary C, "Sex Roles in Advertising: A Comparison of Television Advertisements in Australia, Mexico, and the United States", Journal of Marketting, Vol.52 (April), 1988
Hidayat, Dedy N, "Political Media, Politics of Language in Process Delegitimasi Legitimacy and the New Order Regime", in, Sandra Kartika and M. Mahendra (Eds), From Uniformity Towards Diversity: Multicultural Discourse in Media, LSSP, Jakarta, 1999
Rachmat, Jalaluddin, "From Psychology androcentric to Feminist Psychology: Dismantling the Myths of Women", the Koran Ulumul No.5 & 6, Vol. 5, 1994
Rachmat, Jalaluddin, "Communication and Political Change in Indonesia", Audientia. Vol.I, No. 2 April-June 1993
Renzetti, Claire M, and Daniel J. Curran, Women, Men, and Society: The Sociology of Gender, Allyn & Bacon, Boston, 1988
Sang, Park Yong, “Women in the Mass Media”, Media Development, 1987
Sen, Krishna, “Menafsirkan Feminisme dalam Sinema Orde Baru: Represi dan Resistensi”, dalam Idi Subandi Ibrahim (Ed), Ekstasi Gaya Hidup: Kebudayaan Pop dalam Masyarakat Komoditas Indonesia, Mizan, Jakarta, 1997
Simon, Roger, Gagasan-Gagasan Politik Gramsci, Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta, 1999
Suryakusuma, Julia I, “Perempuan dalam Mitos, Realitas dan Emansipasi”, Prisma No.7-Juli Tahun X, 1981
Description:
Artikel ini pernah dipublikasikan dalam Sosiologi Vol. 3, No. 2, September 2001
0 comments:
Post a Comment